Trapped in a bubble of self-complacency
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Koh Hyun-kohnThe author is the executive editor of the JoongAng Ilbo. A retired government official who had served in an economy-related office after graduating from the Seoul National University (SNU) College of Education recalled his former workplace dominated by the alumni of SNU College of Law. Even those from the College of Business Administration were looked down on. His first boss, upon reading his self-introduction, double-checked his university degree. When he confirmed that he majored in education, the official had the you-must-be-kidding look, astonished that he had the audacity to apply for the most elite government office with such humble academic credentials. He had been self-conscious about his academic background throughout his career. Yet the Ministry of Economy and Finance, dubbed Korea’s dream team consisting of the brightest people in the country, failed to prevent the Asian currency crisis from pushing the country to the brink of default, which led to a humiliating international bailout.
The best results do not always come from the smartest people. They often turn complacent and self-indulgent under the we-are-the-best mantra. Few can say “no” to their bosses, as they would be a senior of a secondary or tertiary school.
An organization can become strong when its composition is diverse and inclusive in respect to gender, background and age, as it can come to a better consensus and solution based on diverse voices. It is bound to be narrow-minded if it is biased toward a certain school or hometown. That had been the case with Daewoo Group and Kumho Group, which eventually went defunct. A baseball club cannot be competitive if all of its nine main players are good hitters. Universities also must recruit candidates from other universities to enrich its teaching and researching faculty. A hybrid is stronger than a purebred.
All humans are born with one or two merits. Even a person who does not do well academically could be wiser. Modesty, compassion, responsibility, leadership and sentiment prove to be winning virtues over good grades. Many peoples’ potentials flourish as they age.
The government under President Yoon Suk Yeol had been decisively biased toward SNU Law College graduates and prosecutors from the beginning. The president kept to his favoritism despite the voices of concern. He recruited them regardless of irrelevance to the field as if he believed people with good education attainment can do everything well. Government leadership went entirely under a group of elites who survived the rigorous state exam and training and top-down hierarchy. Extra points went to those with personal connections with the president or his wife. The human pool was restricted to those who studied, worked or had some form of connection or acquaintance with the presidential couple. Few can agree to the president’s assurance that his appointments are based on “expertise,” not background. Even if it had been true, he should have been more discretionary if his choices displeased the public.
The apparent favor toward background and connection from the sitting power fanned the country’s obsession with good schooling. The president ordered his education minister to make the college scholastic aptitude test (CSAT) easier, but the move only fueled reliance on private academies. How can the dependency on private education be contained when society distinctively favors university name? How can the stubbornly low birthrate be corrected when the living environment turns more competitive?
The government may be comprised of smart people, but it was oblivious to the most crucial part: The public turns their back if they judge the governing power self-important. President Yoon talks of an eradication of groups colluding to defend their vested interests, but the public feels the same about the governing force. That’s why the president’s approval rating is mired in the 30-percent range from the start. In the governing People Power Party (PPP), candidates for the April 10 parliamentary elections largely came from the prosecution, including PPP interim leader Han Dong-hoon. The two believed to be closest fell apart during the election, adding to the public disgruntlement over the government. The PPP did not have any chance in the election.
What really irked the people was the president’s lack of modesty and remorse. He missed the opportunity to apologize for his wife’s acceptance of a luxury handbag from a suspicious pastor. None of the higher-ups took responsibility for the Itaewon crowd crush. A sad affair is not forgotten if nobody atones for it. The people waited until Election Day and delivered a devastating blow to the governing power.
In his inauguration speech two years ago, the president warned against the anti-intelligent confirmation bias that makes people see and hear only what they want. That’s not democracy, he said. But he makes the exemplary case of such a bias. He is surrounded by like-minded aides who relay information that can please him. He has not changed even after the PPP’s landslide defeat in the latest election. His dry statements after the election loss only aggravated public disapproval of the president, who was better off without his unconvincing apology. When the approval rating fell to 23 percent, the president proposed a meeting with the opposition leader. He vowed to pay heed to “bitter” voices from the opposition. We will have to see whether or not he is genuine.
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