Could the justice minister really make it?

Han should not assume the role if he is not as determined as former President Roh Tae-woo, who, as the ruling party’s head, staked his political life on the introduction of the first direct presidential election in 1987.

Choi Min-wooThe author is the political news editor of the JoongAng Ilbo. Some people oppose the idea of Justice Minister Hand Dong-hoon taking his new role as interim leader of the governing People Power Party (PPP), because he can act as an avatar for President Yoon Suk Yeol. I don’t agree. It is true that Han is the president’s closest aide following their lengthy history in the prosecution.

But the two contrast in style and many other aspects. Yoon is a boss-type whereas Han is a rigid managerial type. The justice minister has turned 50, but he is more to the young side than a kkondae, or a hierarchical old-world man.

Some fume over the idea of a political novice taking over as the chief of the emergency committee that is steering the party towards the crucial parliamentary election in April next year. But what, if not politics, has Han been doing as justice minister over the past 19 months? No one on the ruling front has a more powerful voice than Han. Those who oppose Han on the grounds that he is inexperienced in politics could actually be fretting about their lack of connection with him.

Some among the PPP heavyweights representing the Yeongnam region — the traditional conservative vote base of Daegu, North Gyeongsang and South Gyeongsang — have joined the chorus to oppose his transformation. They suggest that Han would be a better fit for head of the campaign committee, as he can use his popularity to bring public favor to the PPP. Some also think it is too early to use Han, who is a promising presidential candidate. But their real reason for their opposition to Han at the helm is their apprehension about losing candidacy in sure electoral districts. Rep. Kim Gi-hyeon managed to hold onto the chairmanship for so long — despite his weak leadership — because multi-term lawmakers felt their seats were safe with an insider. A Yeongnam lawmaker is said to have accompanied Kim to his secret meeting with former PPP leader and outcast Lee Jun-seok before Kim announced resignation as party leader. New leadership under Han could bring catastrophe to senior lawmakers of the PPP, which explains the party’s flurry to make connections.

The hustling to build consensus for Han’s leadership is equally farcical. Procedural justice can sometimes be more important than its outcome. The PPP’s last convention to elect the new leader was focused on removing Na Kyung-won and Ahn Cheol-soo, who posed as a threat to Kim. This time, the mainstream is going all-out to elevate Han.

After a senior PPP lawmaker visited the presidential office in central Seoul shortly after a party meeting on Dec. 15, another gathering with heads of a number of constituencies and potential candidates in the April 10 parliamentary election was arranged. The move could easily suggest the presidential office’s involvement. A new confidant to the president discreetly told reporters that the choice of Han as head of the emergency committee was decided internally. Such movement may suggest that the pro-Han force is leveraging its influence to nominate candidates for the upcoming election on behalf of Han, who is unfamiliar with party affairs. The emergency committee can hardly complete its task of innovating the party if a new group of PPP lawmakers loyal to Han is in the making.

The key argument for fielding Han is that he can stand superior to Democratic Party (DP) leader Lee Jae-myung. Han, who is neck-and-neck with Lee in the polls, can pose as a “fresh elite” facing an old-school group of former democracy fighters. But the public is more interested in Han’s relationship with the president. The ruling party’s crisis stems from its top-down relationship with the presidential office.

An official from the presidential office said that since Yoon and Han can meet and talk freely, a horizontal relationship between the party and the presidential office can naturally grow. But power can never be naïve. Speculation is inevitable, as Han was also close with first lady Kim Keon-hee.

The choice Han makes at this stage should be more important than whether he could smoothly become an interim leader. Han is the sole person who can speak honestly to the president who has always been understanding towards Han. The tabooed mention of the first lady could be a barometer. Han’s leadership will be deemed no different if the party sticks to no-comment stance, as it did amid allegations that the first lady had received a Dior bag in exchange for her influence in recruiting government officials.

The new leadership must come up with a strategy to address the first lady’s conduct if it cannot condone a special investigation into allegations against her. Han should not assume the role if he is not as determined as former President Roh Tae-woo, who, as the ruling party’s head, staked his political life on the introduction of the first direct presidential election in 1987.