North's leader sets stage for talks with U.S. — with nuclear strings attached

North Korean leader Kim Jong-un signaled that Pyongyang would pursue “strategic and tactical external activities” over the next five years in what seems to be another attempt at a high-stakes diplomatic gambit that is difficult to predict.

[NEWS ANALYSIS]

North Korean leader Kim Jong-un signaled that Pyongyang would pursue “strategic and tactical external activities” over the next five years in what seems to be another attempt at a high-stakes diplomatic gambit that is difficult to predict.

Kim, in his report to the Ninth Congress of the Workers’ Party of Korea, also reiterated that he was open to conditional talks with the United States on the premise that Washington recognizes North Korea as a nuclear-armed state. On the other hand, U.S. President Donald Trump remains open to dialogue with North Korea "without any preconditions," according to the White House.

'External prestige' against 'hostile forces'

Kim’s report framed diplomacy as a party-led effort to broaden North Korea’s influence abroad while keeping what it calls hostile forces in check.

“The external affairs field should conduct external activities on its own initiative and in a tactical way, regarding it as its first mission and foremost principle to defend the national interests under the leadership of the Party Central Committee, and thus expand and strengthen the external prestige and influence of our state more broadly,” Kim said in a work report released by the state-run Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) on Thursday.

The party congress was held in Pyongyang for seven days from Feb. 19 to Wednesday at the April 25 House of Culture.

“The Party Central Committee's direct involvement in the external activities of the state is an essential requirement in the present situation where the objective environment of the revolution is grim and the international situation is unprecedentedly acute,” said Kim. “Therefore, all the external activities of our state will have to be carried out under the direct guidance and involvement of the Party Central Committee.”

He went on to warn, "The international situation that we face is still grim and the challenges of the hostile forces will get serious, but we are sure to win as long as we are guided by the correct foreign strategic policy and leadership of the Party Central Committee and it is guaranteed by our powerful military deterrence."

The “hostile forces” mentioned typically refer to South Korea, the United States and Japan. While the remarks could be read as a pledge to solidify an anti-U.S. front through summit diplomacy with China and Russia, some experts said Kim may also have left room for another Trump-Kim summit.

“However, as already clarified, if the U.S. respects the present position of our state specified in the Constitution of the DPRK and withdraws its hostile policy toward the DPRK, there is no reason why we cannot get on well with the U.S.,” Kim said, according to the report, referring to North Korea by the initialism for its official name, the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the official name of North Korea.

U.S. President Donald Trump, right, shakes hands with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un as they meet at the demilitarized zone separating the two Koreas, in Panmunjom on June 30, 2019. [YONHAP]

'Depends entirely on the attitude of the United States'

Kim’s message combined a hard condition tied to North Korea’s nuclear status with language that kept the door open to talks, leaving analysts split over whether a summit was still in play.

“The prospect of the DPRK-U.S. relations depends entirely on the attitude of the U.S. side,” Kim added, effectively making U.S. recognition of North Korea’s nuclear status a condition for top-level talks.

“It means he will maintain a wait-and-see stance while watching for changes in the attitude of the United States,” said Hong Min, a senior research fellow at the Korea Institute for National Unification. “Paradoxically, it can also be interpreted as a very active signal of dialogue toward the United States.”

Trump has repeatedly expressed a willingness to meet Kim since the start of his second term in January of last year. The United States checked helicopter routes between Gyeongju and Panmunjom during the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit in Gyeongju in October of last year as it prepared for a possible surprise Trump-Kim meeting.

The North's leader, for his part, said in a policy speech at the Supreme People’s Assembly in late September of last year that he still personally has “fond memories” of the U.S. president.

Some in Seoul have continued to float the possibility of renewed Trump-Kim talks in April. Unification Minister Chung Dong-young said in December of last year that Trump’s expected April trip to China would be a “critical period” for the two leaders to meet.

Kim Yo-jong, the sister of North Korean leader Kim Jong-un, was named department head of the ruling Worker's Party, the state-run Korean Central News Agency reported on Feb. 24. [YONHAP]

Meeting yes, nukes no?

Even if a summit were to happen, however, many analysts say tangible progress toward denuclearization would be difficult. During the party congress, Kim described nuclear possession as an irreversible “red line” and labeled attempts at denuclearization as “unconstitutional.”

That has fueled concerns that a Trump-Kim meeting could end up as a one-off encounter aimed at reaffirming personal rapport, or evolve into an arms-control negotiation that effectively accepts Pyongyang's nuclear status.

Some even wager that Kim may be seeking to use a summit with Trump as what he sees as the final step toward being treated as a de facto nuclear-armed state, after strengthening ties with Russia and China. Trump has publicly referred to North Korea as a “nuclear power” multiple times.

“Now our enemies don't know what we're planning and calculating,” said Kim in the report. “They can't and shouldn't know.”

Other observers estimate a lower possibility of the summit taking place because Kim has set the bar too high.

“Kim raised the sanctions issue five times in his policy speech at the Supreme People’s Assembly in September of last year,” said Park Won-gon, a professor at Ewha Womans University. “If Kim concludes he cannot secure sanctions relief by meeting Trump, he will think he has no reason to meet him.”

Chinese President Xi Jinping, center, Russian President Vladimir Putin, left, and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un arrive for a reception marking the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on Sept. 3, 2025. [REUTERS/YONHAP]

Strengthening the Kim dynasty

Analysts also point out that the party congress further consolidated a Kim-centered power structure.

The North's party newspaper, the Rodong Sinmun, reported on Friday that Kim visited the Kumsusan Palace of the Sun with the newly formed party leadership on Thursday, describing him as the most “loyal to the cause of Kimilsungism-Kimjongilism and represents the absolute prestige of the WPK [Worker’s Party of Korea] and its matchless mightiness.”

Kim was unanimously reappointed as the party’s general secretary on the fourth day of the congress on Sunday, after party secretary Ri Il-hwan touted Kim’s achievements.

The leader's sister, Kim Yo-jong, also drew attention after being promoted from vice department director to department director of the party’s Central Committee at an expanded meeting of the first plenary session of the Ninth Central Committee on Monday.

Analysts claim that her elevated status could mean she could take charge of a newly created department overseeing policies on Washington and Seoul. She was also again named an alternate member of the Politburo.

New heir on the rise?

Kim’s daughter, Kim Ju-ae, appeared at a military parade held after the party congress without being given a formal party title. During Wednesday’s parade in Pyongyang, the father-daughter pair were seen standing together on the rostrum.

In footage released by North Korea, Ju-ae, wearing a leather jacket, was seen descending the steps and taking a central position as Kim stepped slightly to the side.

The party congress also highlighted a generational shake-up, with many veteran figures dropped from the list of Central Committee members and alternate members. Fifty-six percent of the Central Committee members and alternate members were replaced compared to the Eighth Party Congress, according to South Korea’s Unification Ministry.

Choe Ryong-hae, long regarded as a key second-generation revolutionary figure, also appeared to have stepped back from frontline politics. Choe, the son of former People’s Armed Forces Minister Choe Hyon, was omitted from the list of alternate members of the Central Committee, signaling a possible retirement at 76.

Other prominent figures removed from the Central Committee roster included Pak Jong-chon, a party secretary who had alternated between the military’s top two ranks; Ri Pyong-chol, the party’s chief adviser on munitions policy; Kim Yong-chol, a veteran official known for inter-Korean affairs; and Ri Son-gwon, head of the party’s 10th Department, previously known as the United Front Department. Sin Yong-man, who oversaw the party’s Office 39, known for procuring foreign currency and luxury goods for the leadership, was also replaced for the first time in about a decade.

This photo, published by the state-run Korean Central News Agency on Oct. 26, shows Choe Ryong-hae, center, chairman of the Standing Committee of the Supreme People's Assembly of North Korea, inspecting various projects, including at farms and coal mines. [KOREAN CENTRAL NEWS AGENCY]

Low-key military themes

Another notable feature of the Ninth Party Congress was that, aside from nuclear-related messaging, North Korea kept its broader military themes relatively low-key. This was the first time no military hardware appeared in a parade among 13 parades since the 70th anniversary of the party’s founding on Oct. 10, 2015, according to the Korea Defense and Security Forum.

South Korean military authorities claim large equipment, including transporter-erector-launcher vehicles used for missile deployments, had not been spotted even during preparations. Kim may have judged that a weapons display offered limited benefit as he sought to capitalize on what he views as a stronger external standing, according to analysts.

In the Workers' Party report, Kim mentioned expanding the means for operating nuclear forces and laid out five new national defense tasks. They included developing ground- and underwater-launched intercontinental ballistic missiles, AI-based unmanned attack systems, special assets designed to target satellites, more powerful electronic warfare systems aimed at paralyzing an enemy command structure, and more advanced reconnaissance satellites.

Analysts point out the inclusion of satellite-attack capabilities, framed as targeting Seoul's intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance assets, suggest that Pyongyang could devote significant effort over the next five years to developing space-based capabilities that are increasingly central to modern warfare.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom. BY LEE YU-JUNG [kim.minyoung5@joongang.co.kr]