A progressive camp turned establishment, now at risk of falling to corruption

Progressives once claimed the moral high ground. Now, having become entrenched, they face the same test that once undid their rivals.

Kim Sung-tak

The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.

Park Soo-hyun, senior spokesperson for the Democratic Party (DP), summed up the shock felt inside the party when allegations surfaced over illicit campaign donations tied to former DP lawmaker Kang Sun-woo and former floor leader Kim Byung-kee. “I used to think this was something you would see only in the People Power Party [PPP],” he said. “To find it in our own party is staggering.” He added that lawmakers were so stunned they were “almost in a state of collective shock.”

Candidates running in a by-election to choose a new Democratic Party floor leader following the resignation of Kim Byung-kee greet lawmakers at a general meeting to elect the party’s second-term floor leader at the National Assembly in Yeouido, western Seoul, on Jan. 11. From left: Han Byung-do, Jin Sung-joon, Park Jeung and Back Hye-ryun. [YONHAP]

His reaction recalls a longstanding saying in Korean politics: conservatives fall to corruption, progressives fall to division. During decades of authoritarian rule, vote buying and graft were widespread, cementing an image of the right as morally compromised. By contrast, progressive forces that emphasized protection of the socially vulnerable, fairness and transparency were able to cultivate a reputation for higher ethical standards.

That image, however, did not survive intact once former democracy activists, hardened by years of sacrifice, succeeded in taking power. Allegations of corruption tied to authority did not disappear. Under the Kim Dae-jung administration, scandals involving the president’s sons combined money, lobbying and influence-peddling began to erode the moral standing of the progressive camp. Even under the Roh Moo-hyun administration, widely associated with integrity, the Park Yeon-cha scandal involving the president’s family and close associates cast a shadow over the era’s anti-authoritarian ethos. During the Moon Jae-in administration, allegations surrounding the family of then Justice Minister Cho Kuk over university admissions led to investigations and trials that shook the government’s signature commitment to fairness.

In more recent years, as power has alternated between conservatives and progressives, misconduct and corruption have continued to recur. When scandals break, the DP and the PPP often resort to mutual accusations of hypocrisy, effectively granting each other a form of self-absolution. When allegations emerged that former PPP lawmaker Hwangbo Seung-hee had accepted money in exchange for a nomination, a case later closed by police for lack of evidence, the DP mocked its rival as the “Bribery Power Party.” Yet, when similar allegations arose involving its own lawmakers, the party dismissed them as a “human error.”

On Sunday, Democratic Party leaders effectively urged Kim Byung-kee to leave the party voluntarily, asking him to “consider the path that benefits the party.” After expelling Kang Sun-woo, the apparent calculation was that removing the individuals would sever the party’s responsibility. But progressives who have lost their moral edge find it difficult to escape criticism that they have become another political bloc enjoying entrenched privilege under the cover of factional loyalty.

Korea’s polarized ideology and lingering regional divides make incumbency a powerful advantage. Once elected to the National Assembly, lawmakers have a strong chance of re-election. In the Yeongnam and Honam regions, party dominance is so entrenched that winning the nomination often amounts to winning the seat. After election, careful constituency management further extends political life spans. Seoul, where housing prices have soared, is often described as a battleground, yet the three Gangnam districts reliably favor conservatives, while northeastern and southwestern parts of the city lean progressive. Daejeon and the Chungcheong region are labeled swing areas. Gyeonggi and Incheon tend to elect far more progressive candidates, while Gangwon remains a conservative stronghold.

Once lawmakers secure their seats, many focus on winning favor with powerful figures such as the president, a presidential contender or the party leader to secure renomination. In Korean parties, sitting lawmakers play a direct role in nominations. Because they have wide discretion to hire aides, abuses occur in which staff are treated like personal servants. Local lawmakers also wield influence over nominations for city and district council seats, creating incentives for aspiring candidates to deliver money in hopes of selection.

Within this food chain structure, progressive politicians have been no exception in becoming part of the establishment. What is labeled “nomination reform,” often framed as generational turnover, tends instead to function as a mechanism to remove those insufficiently loyal to party bosses or aligned with rival factions. Recruitment of fresh external talent remains limited. Decisions are made behind closed doors by those in power. Cynicism persists that Kim Byung-kee, who played a central role in controversial nomination decisions that sidelined internal critics, continues to hold his ground because many figures in the current ruling camp are entangled with him across multiple political episodes.

Kim Byung-kee, then floor leader of the Democratic Party, and Rep. Kang Sun-woo walk and talk during the second plenary session of the 430th National Assembly at the National Assembly in Yeouido, western Seoul, on Dec. 24, 2025. [NEWS1]

The impeachment that followed the Yoon Suk Yeol administration’s ill-fated imposition of martial law led to the launch of the Lee Jae Myung government. Against that backdrop, ethical lapses by the DP, now in power, are all the more disappointing. Kim Byung-kee was reportedly well aware that a city councilor facing allegations of having paid 100 million won ($68,618) had nonetheless been nominated. Even so, the ruling camp pushed aggressively to install Kang Sun-woo as minister of gender equality and family. What does that say about the standards guiding the governing party. Did the office of then party leader Lee Jae Myung knowingly bury a petition claiming that money had been delivered to Kim Byung-kee’s side when that document was routed back to those implicated.

Questions also surround the presidential office’s decision to keep Lee Hye-hoon as a nominee for minister of budget despite ongoing controversy over alleged abuse of staff and suspicions of improper apartment lottery gains worth billions of won. Public sentiment is cooling rapidly, yet the Blue House appears oblivious. Progressives once claimed the moral high ground. Now, having become entrenched, they face the same test that once undid their rivals.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.