[Wang Son-taek] Key points for a successful S. Korea-US summit

The upcoming South Korea-US summit scheduled for this month is poised to become a landmark diplomatic event in the history of the alliance — regardless of its outcome. Under President Donald Trump’s renewed leadership, the United States is aggressively redrawing the international order. The administration’s approach has discarded traditional norms of multilateral cooperation in favor of a transactional, unilateral model. At the heart of this shift is an escalating tariff war.

South Korea has also felt the impact. In late July, Seoul and Washington reached a surprising and lopsided agreement: despite the Korea-US Free Trade Agreement, which originally guaranteed tariff-free trade, Korea will now face a 15 percent tariff on exports to the US. This concession was made to reduce Trump’s initial demand of a 25 percent tariff. In exchange, Korea agreed to invest $350 billion in the United States and to import $100 billion worth of US energy products. These numbers are staggering.

Unsurprisingly, this has shaken confidence in the alliance. Within South Korea, growing embarrassment and frustration have raised questions over whether the alliance is still grounded in mutual respect — or if it has devolved into an asymmetric arrangement driven solely by US pressure. In this context, the upcoming summit between President Lee Jae Myung and President Trump carries immense importance. Ideally, the two leaders would agree on ways to enhance the alliance and reduce uncertainty. But optimism must be tempered. Trump is a notoriously unpredictable figure. Since beginning his second term in January, he has grown even more inflexible in his positions.

For many global leaders, meeting with Trump has become a nerve-wracking ordeal. In February, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy experienced a disastrous summit in Washington. During a 40-minute meeting, Trump, and Vice President JD Vance openly cornered Zelenskyy, accusing him of recklessness and dismissing his diplomatic appeals. In May, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa was subjected to a bizarre ambush at the White House. Trump unexpectedly raised unfounded claims about “white genocide” in South Africa and used misleading footage to pressure Ramaphosa in front of the press.

Diplomacy is built on mutual respect and reliable communications. Yet Trump’s actions suggest a deliberate strategy of shaming foreign leaders to achieve domestic political gains. While history offers many examples of powerful states bullying weaker ones, Trump’s overt and often theatrical humiliations of heads of state are without modern precedent.

There is no guarantee that President Lee Jae Myung will be treated differently. Hoping for a summit that yields a comprehensive agreement may be overly ambitious. A successful summit may simply mean that the alliance remains intact and that relations between the two leaders do not fray. To achieve even this limited success, the South Korean government must be thoroughly prepared. First, anticipate Trump’s theatricality. Trump has shown a pattern of using summits for spectacle. Some incidents, like the Ramaphosa ambush, were clearly premeditated. To avoid confrontation, South Korea should convey to the White House that there is no reason for hostility between the two sides.

Second, while Trump has frequently harassed foreign leaders perceived as weak, he tends to respect strong leaders. He has openly expressed admiration for authoritarian figures like Putin, Xi Jinping and Kim Jong Un. This is not because of ideology, but because he associates strength with authority. President Lee should project confidence and national support — not arrogance, but firm resolve. Any perception that President Lee is weak could prompt Trump to treat him as prey, rather than a peer.

Third, remember that Trump is not persuaded by logic — he is influenced by emotion. Many European leaders have learned that flattery often works where facts do not. While sycophancy is distasteful, directly contradicting Trump in public or humiliating him at the negotiating table is unwise. Managing his ego is not appeasement — it is strategic calibration. If a deal is reached, framing it as a product of Trump’s leadership will likely help sustain momentum. In fact, this approach should apply in all diplomacy, not just with Trump. But in Trump’s case, it is essential.

Fourth, Trump thrives in highly orchestrated events where he is center stage and commands international attention. The 2018 Singapore summit with Kim Jong Un is instructive: when Trump perceived the summit as favorable, he was willing to engage and compromise. Similarly, Trump’s attitude toward former President Moon Jae-in evolved. While initially skeptical during their first meeting in June 2017, Trump was noticeably more cooperative during the Seoul summit in November that year. In Seoul, Trump reportedly took a strong interest in visiting the Demilitarized Zone and warmed to President Moon. He showed that his attitude can shift when he feels respected or engaged in a dramatic setting.

Fifth, Trump is eccentric, but still shrewd. His apparent rudeness is often a simple tactic to bolster his domestic image. His core concern is winning — especially on issues that matter to his base. If South Korea can identify areas of cooperation that align with Trump’s domestic political agenda, those can be repackaged as victories for him while also serving Korean interests. One area of interest is shipbuilding. Trump has repeatedly emphasized revitalizing US manufacturing, particularly in industries like naval shipbuilding. South Korea could offer more specific ideas in this field. Moreover, emerging sectors such as artificial intelligence, semiconductors and green technology present opportunities for joint initiatives. The key is to shape these proposals so they appear as Trump’s ideas or triumphs.

In summary, direct confrontation must be avoided, while strategic praise should be deployed. President Lee must project charisma, not submission. Mutually beneficial programs should be framed as Trump’s victories. Expectations for the summit should be lowered. Trump’s diplomacy is erratic, but not inscrutable. With careful preparation and psychological foresight, the summit can avoid disaster — and perhaps even yield progress. In this high-stakes encounter, restraint, strategy and narrative control will be more valuable than policy details.

Wang Son-taek

Wang Son-taek is an adjunct professor at Sogang University. He is a former diplomatic correspondent at YTN and a former research associate at Yeosijae. The views expressed here are the writer’s own. — Ed.