A warning from the Ruyi Staff and Palm Leaf Fan

Ultimately, criminal justice reform must yield benefits for the people — not just satisfy ideological ambitions.

Chung Hyo-shik The author is the social news editor at the JoongAng Ilbo.

Two fantastical weapons appear in the classic Chinese novel "Journey to the West" (1592) — the Ruyi Staff and the Palm Leaf Fan. Perhaps reflecting China’s continental scale, their descriptions are anything but modest.

The Ruyi Staff, wielded by the Monkey King, is inscribed with a weight of 13,500 catties—about 8.1 tons. While it can shrink to fit inside the ear, it once served as a pillar supporting the Sea. Earlier, it was a measuring tool for controlling floods and was said to have been used by the primordial giant Pangu to tamp down the earth during the creation of the world. After acquiring it, the Monkey King uses the staff to travel across the mortal realm, heaven and the underworld, crushing monsters and breaking barriers.

President Lee Jae Myung, center, and ministers show respect for the flag ahead of a Cabinet meeting at the presidential office in Yongsan District, central Seoul, on June 24. [JOINT PRESS CORPS]

The Palm Leaf Fan, a giant iron fan shaped like a banana leaf, can send enemies flying thousands of kilometers with a single wave and summon typhoons and rainstorms. Owned by Princess Iron Fan, wife of the Bull Demon King, it was used by the Monkey King to extinguish the flames of the Fiery Mountain blocking the path to the West. Both weapons symbolize unchecked power and reflect the human desire to control nature in a world often plagued by floods and droughts.

President Lee Jae Myung’s recent reference to the fan during a Cabinet meeting on June 24 drew a sharp parallel to power wielded without awareness. “With just a small fan, the world experiences immense upheaval,” he said. “But the person holding it may be oblivious. That’s how power works. A single decision, a signature, can mean life or death, rise or ruin for someone — and in the aggregate, prosperity or decline for the nation.”

The warning was not just for bureaucrats. The clearest cautionary tale, he implied, is former President Yoon Suk Yeol. Yoon continues to claim that his alleged mobilization of military command to provoke internal unrest was merely an “enlightened directive” for national stability — despite facing treason charges and a special counsel investigation.

But it is not only wartime powers that require restraint. In everyday governance, criminal justice authority — encompassing investigation, indictment and trial — can have life-or-death consequences. Whether a person is detained can mean, quite literally, a question of survival.

On July 1, the National Assembly’s Legislation and Judiciary Committee began deliberations on amendments to the Prosecutors’ Office Act and Criminal Procedure Act, incorporating President Lee’s campaign pledge to separate prosecutorial powers. Under the current law, prosecutors hold the exclusive rights to investigate, indict and manage prosecutions for major crimes, including corruption and financial offenses. The proposed revisions would remove investigative authority altogether, leaving only indictment and courtroom responsibilities. The ruling Democratic Party (DP) ultimately aims to dissolve the prosecution service, founded in 1949, and replace it with two new agencies: the Serious Crimes Investigation Agency and the Public Prosecution Agency. That same day, Prosecutor General Shim Woo-jung and other senior prosecutors submitted their resignations, interpreted by many as a response to what they see as an existential threat.

Prosecutor General Shim Woo-jung tendered his resignation on July 1, expressing strong concerns — albeit indirectly — about the prosecution reform being pursued by the Lee Jae Myung administration. The photo shows the Supreme Prosecutors’ Office in Seocho District, Seoul, on July 1. [YONHAP]

However, rushed reform tends to harm the general public. During the Moon Jae-in administration, sweeping adjustments to prosecutorial powers overwhelmed front line police with cases, resulting in lengthy delays in investigations into scams, voice phishing and drug offenses. Critics warn that simply expanding investigative bodies — such as the new serious crimes agency — could replicate the overlapping and politically charged investigations seen during recent treason inquiries involving prosecutors, the police and the Corruption Investigation Office for High-ranking Officials. Meanwhile, everyday crimes affecting ordinary citizens may be neglected.

Leading DP lawmakers have vowed to deliver “prosecution abolition news” before the Chuseok holiday. But this should not come at the cost of careful legislative work. Justice minister nominee Chung Sung-ho has emphasized the need to ensure that “no harm comes to the public.” For that to happen, any reform must be based on comprehensive dialogue, systemwide planning, and mechanisms to prevent abuse, redundancy, and bureaucratic irresponsibility.

Ultimately, criminal justice reform must yield benefits for the people — not just satisfy ideological ambitions.

Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.